Writing an article about the linkage of the Estonian National Museum to Saaremaa last spring, a few very interesting fieldwork papers came up in my handwritten archive. They thought of a hiking journal as a wider variety of ethnological sources. Secondly, the opinion was that the hiking descriptions contained something that might be of interest to a wider group of people than just a few individuals. These are contemporary "shots" about people and circumstances of their time - never too much of this kind of material. We see how in practice material (objects and verbal traditions) was collected, on the basis of which scientists created a picture of our people's past life - "folk culture". Why not start the impressions of Saaremaa?

 

 

 

Diary - valuable and forgotten sources

 

When browsing the work of Estonian ethnologists, very few references to the "topographical archives" (TA) of the ERM encounter - so the diaries in the ERM are called. Yet this is the oldest and rather large part of our ethnographic archive. (Currently, 899 diaries are used for TAs, including 68 in full and 12 in Saaremaa).

 

The first "old-timers" -logos were amateur students and other young intellectuals, many of whom later became known to writers, artists, researchers and others (G. Vilbaste, H. Moora, V. Vaas, H. Halliste, N. Triik, J. Nõmmik, J. Vahtra, A. Uurits, E.-J. Kuusik, A.Sang, H.Visnapuu, R.Kangro-Pool, etc.).

Later, fieldworkers were collectively comprised of ethnologists with specialist education (traditionally known as "ethnographers").

 

The Museum Letter to Collectors says: "It would be highly desirable if anyone who meets the museum would write a travel description because it would be a duty for the picketers sent by the Museum." The following points explain why you should keep up with the diary. In particular, they were asked to describe objects that could not be collected by the museum. Fortunately, the matter was not limited to collecting material, the pickers also had to write about "how the pickers were picked up", "what are the parish people (long, short, black hair, white hair)", "what clothes are currently being used", "how big were the travel costs", and finally - "other picker observations".

 

Therefore, it was necessary for the fieldworkers to notice and write down many other things that were not directly related to their main task - collection of items. They also had to describe their personal impressions, opinions and assessments that they encountered when moving around the villages and interacting with the people. The direct observations make diaries a particularly valuable and unique source - they contain information that is very scarce in other materials. Here you can find information about all this "other" that has not been included in the "substance cannon" of our ethnology.

 

The last part included the outside of the traditional (peasant's) culture - various things created by man (in the broad sense): objects, songs, dances, customs, and others. Much less attention has been paid to their creator and the environment (in the social sense) in which they lived. Without discussing why this has happened, let's face it: our knowledge of one's culture is one-sided. They are limited mainly to the surface of life / culture, the individual parts of which are interconnected.

 

"The past is ... something that nothing else changes. However, knowing the past is an evolving thing that is constantly changing and improving." Following the old traditions of research, it is quite questionable to reach something new in principle. There is also a need for a new approach to the sources that would allow them to expand. More and more blurred boundaries between scientists. Exceeding the old boundaries, science may be something new to say about man and his world.

 

According to Orvar Löfgren, one of the most well-known Scandinavian ethnologists Orvar Löfgren, it is an enthusiastic idea that everything can be studied, one of the best things that anthropologists have given to the history of science - it's just a good idea or an interesting perspective - the sources can always be created, re-read, or find from where until now nobody knew what to do. A positivist historical science hoped to find out "what was really" by following the letter's source exactly. So the new history of theology, especially thanks to the French annalistics, deals with sources differently.

 

"An arbitrary historical monument can become an important source of data if you are able to ask the right questions ... Research, as is often assumed, does not start from the" collection of subjects, "but the problem and the questions to ask the source, Aron Gurevitš argues, adding that" traditional methods the source under discussion only tells us what the writer wanted to say. "

 

Just as historians had their own right, "sacred" sources (archival documents), so was ethnology. Ethnologists differed in principle from the historians in one thing-they "created" themselves sources, collected material from field work, or questioned people by mail. However, the general approach was the same - if the source is genuine, he says, "How was it". Forget one source of real source was / is the person from whom the data was obtained. He talked about what was being asked about him and how he understood and remembered. The person himself, his relationship with the speaker, the interests, thoughts, values, etc., was not interested in ethnologists. He was convinced that "he was seen as a channel of mediation through which the past speaks to us", as the Swedish ethnologist Jonas Frykman pointed out aptly.

 

Our "nomenclature" sources of ethnology are still the "ethnographic archive" (EA) of the ERM and the "archive of correspondent responses" besides the articles. They are designed in a precise manner, aiming to provide "objective" information. These are the "intentional" certificates of the past, on which the vast majority of Estonian ethnological studies are based. Apart from virtues, they have a number of drawbacks: they cover only those topics and areas that the science of their time considered important, and only respond to the questions that were presented at that time. "The archival texts are not designed to answer the question of a person as a cultural person. They are created according to the paradigm of" culture in people, "not" human beings in culture. "The whole human aspect was eliminated from them, which actually merges and integrates together.

 

The content of the field diaries is subject to the difficulty of traditional ethnological division. That is why there is no content card for them, which in turn makes it difficult to inform. This is one of the reasons why so few travel magazines have been used in research. Truly, the diaries are fairly free, and the content depends very much on the writer. One of them is common - as in the diary, always the first person speaks, intermediates or strange texts. That is why they are inevitably and publicly subjective and interesting. As a source, diaries are of value, in particular, that they are not deliberately created as a "scientific" source.

 

The first diaries (from the 1910s to the 20s) are more interesting. Their authors did not know how to "make ethnography" because they were not ethnologists. There was also no tradition of writing a field diary. "And you might have had to have a diary written in a different way. I do not know. I wrote what was coming up to me and it was interesting for me three or four days after that (impressions have to be ripe before)." Later, the "proffes" diaries are perhaps more sterile and boring, so they knew (too) well what to write. This was not so much, it was a surplus, because the main, so-called material was placed in the "scientific" description (EA).

 

To a certain extent, later writers also inhibited internal and internal censorship. In any case, the most recent diary does not find open-ended descriptions of personal experiences and affairs, and opinions as early as possible.

 

 

Society and individuals

 

In the beginning of the century, Saaremaa drew grandmothers as magnet. Here you could find something else that has already been lost. We may even consider traditional peasant dresses, which were sometimes quite common in Saaremaa (Muhus and Sõrves). One of the most important reasons for preserving the old traditional culture was the greater influence of local social societies - communities, on average than in Estonia. The community also influenced the economic life, preventing / inhibiting the development of capitalist individualism in production and, more generally, in society as a whole.

 

"Mrs. Piht (schoolgirl.) Gives me a mushroom - this mama is munchy - eats mushrooms. The saarors do not eat mushrooms, they are thrown in the woods, which is terrible, again, one thing to look into. But the story seems to be that they are still so far There is no "reached" here. The fortunes of the forefathers are followed by strict rules, and superstition does not allow them to deviate a lot from each other, every day, the exhibition has its own "menu" from time immemorial to a certain extent. As an islander, the instinct of the hard livestock on the step below is: nobody takes anything for yourself. It will make the mushroom starving, but nobody burns up or boils at the same time. This candy bar also reveals itself in "social life": the innovations do not go through because There are no initiators, however, but if at last the beginning is made and the case tends to go away, everyone runs out of the skin to make up, whether it is useful or not, whether it is good or bad. The same story was apparently also in mass revelation. k went because everyone did it.

 

Perhaps a recent riot. The big wealthy Koguva villagers were muted in Muhus. Why?

It started, everybody did it, or they even felt their hand that they were doing the foreskin. And the reasons were searched after the riot was down: "They wanted us to be an Estonian instead, because we are Livonians." The driver, the initiator, it costs here ".

 

"In order to learn more about how to make hay, which is very unique in Muiküla and in the village of Ardla, I decided to do a hay harvest on one morning. It was on Sunday, July 7, when I arrived at Muiküla. At 2 o'clock in the morning, the door was knocked on the door and called up - hay. Someone was sitting in front of some of the parties waiting to be ready for the roles of the workers. It was 10 minutes, but nobody moved, waiting for a village bird.

 

The turnip is one of the farmers from the same village. Upon the appearance of the Village Arbil, almost 80 people were employed in the village. It should be noted that in this place, like many other hayfields, every 10 years, they will be shot out. So in the order of 10 years, he has mowed all the numbers and re-decides what piece of piece he will work on.

 

To further harmonize the haystack, grassland is not only in the quarry between the village, but each meadow is divided into many pieces, the number of which exceeds 10. Each such piece is further distributed in 10. As a result, only 2-3-4 cards are large and only a few tens of steps long. Not all 8 people can fit on one cloth, then the next family will have to look for the following pages. It was natural that the grass that was located on the distal plate was damaged so that every leaf was rolled up on a new cloth.

 

This was due to the endeavor to ensure that as many as possible families as possible survived each family, who also started work at the same time at the same time. More, however, no one in the village will be able to mow their hay on the same day when the whole village is scheduled for that day. Those who mow more will throw in the hays and he will be left entirely from the workforce without having done without the consent of others.

 

As I said, mowing is a victory. Most important, of course, is the family, who, by the very end of his life, will end up, and will still be glorified for a longer lunch break. Such lapidary hay work is besides Muiküla in the village of Ardla. In others like Kõrkvere, Muraja k. is also a recurring and alternate [meadow], but is much freer and cooler with hay fever. It is also possible in the last villages to go to the hay at once: so you can go through the village, without finding a honey, perhaps there are some children or grandmothers here in the farm ".

 

Although examples are from a different area, such as breeding and hay fever, both clearly indicate the great power of society over an individual. This is a different background observer immediately noticed. (It is clear from the diary that the authors (J. Jans and E. Kääparin) are not only different from origin but also from the nature of their interests. The first was a young artist or student, another student of agronomy. J.Jans has a keen interest in social and cultural issues, it is quite emotional in the assessment and open-minded, but in the end, however, a bright and sharp-eyed observer. E. Kääbarin is deeply involved in describing what the eye looks like.)

 

These are not the only notes in the diary that reflect the features of the relatively closed peasant society that survived in Saaremaa. One of these is also the distrust of those who have been harassed by them as strangers.

 

An ordinary citizen who does not read literature and news was often so distrustful of us that he even did not want to eat and did not want to give up the night house, although it would have been possible ".

 

Particularly distrustful people have been living in remote places. Sometimes you have to bring in local authorities (such as pastor or school teacher) to get a conversation at all. The reason for the scandal was that most people in Saaremaa and elsewhere did not understand the idea of ​​the work of grandmothers ("who needs this old stuff?"). However, there was not much time to win confidence.

"Moving half a day on the island and moving the underworld to the end so much that I was trusted, which was told to me."

 

In the story below, we see the following: "The habits of Keynes seem simpler than Muhus. I went to a sauna where men and women watched each other and watched each other. A woman wandered around me and washed her carefully, for this I had to give her another day more thread than others. (Old collectors acquired items not only for money (if not donated), but also for the exchange of goods at the beginning of the 1920s, bringing handicrafts to the land.) As the speech is straightforward and unshaken, so too, the livelihood is in its shadow of glory, unharmedly as a natural thing. "

 

Here you can find parallels with the medieval culture, where privacy and intimacy were not evaluated in modern fashion and size. Aron Gurevich, the most prominent European medieval researcher, finds that the sense of shyness was not developed at that time, many of the pictures depicting saunas are used by women who are knocked out.

 

The individuality of the newborn ("urban culture") also manifests itself in the context of eating. At that time, observers from Saaremaa point out that they were mostly fed on a common requirement, the spoon was the only personal cutlery. Very rarely came the score (men used their hinges), forks or separate plates. In a wedding description, J. Jans says that even in the house of Muhu, they did not have enough of them.

The following is more closely related to the problem of bodily individuality.

 

Purity and hygiene in living culture

 

One of the most frequent critical observations of the young people on the islanders was the lack of purity. Their ideal was the purity of the bourgeois culture. Since this has not always been the case, the ethnologists' observations of different peoples and the research on the European Middle Ages show. Our authors have explained the dirt partly in poverty, because they thought fishermen and sailors were living more prosperously - and therefore cleaner. Another explanation is found in the lack of education and in the limited horizons.

 

"In the middle of the journey, the people of Mustjala are not too poor to be: there are men who have thousands of spare for us. The parish of Mustjala is considered a wealthy parish. black

This may be partly because women are overworked, but this is not excusable. The floors are washed, they are not washed even for large holidays, perhaps in most houses the floors are already under the floor. "

 

Thus writes H. Visnapuu and continues:

 

"It's very strange that the freestyle studs were much cleaner and more decent than the farms, and people seemed to be well-understood, and it's all about the fact that the freeman had moved more and more in the dark."

 

"I had a night in a glass-covered house (" Vanatoa ") on Friday night before Saturday." Living "was so black that the host even apologized, namely, that two livestock, fields to be harvested and fish to catch, but that God's grace is still strength.

 

And, but there is not enough time to worry about the room or your health. On the whole, the village already gives the look of the halloween, even in the mood, the wayland. In terms of education, however, this "prii" village is as good as other parts of Muhu. "

 

"In the very narrow houses (at least in the northern part of the parish), there were forks and plates, and they were fed with knives with common members of the cup. Spoons were placed on the eating table above the dining wheel on the wall, which was often washed away during the mealtime. Men, especially the northern part, are forced to go outside in the woodwork during the summer (Mustjala men in the ditch), which is why women (even partly men at home) do all the outside work - manure transport and plowing, etc. and the house remains dirty. "

 

Otherwise, old-timers have seen coastal villages.

 

However, the people (150 - 200 souls) live in a relatively respectable way. Houses are beautiful, houses of dwelling Of course, there are other solutions, large and beautiful. There is a purity and order of the interior: the floors are painted, the walls are wall-mounted, softened, soft furniture, mirrors, often a piano. Japanese vases, sea pictures on the walls. Read newspapers with care, books often touch the eye for children's training They are well taken care of: many men have several children at one time in Kuressaare - in high school, in a maritime school, or in a city school. Even farther - in Riga and Tallinn, they are studying villagers. People are above all with a beautiful intelligent look, especially men who have received little schooling but learned much from school.

 

The men of Vilsandi are the majority of the men. Many of the current hosts are formerly captains, gangmasters, and so on. having sail around the seas, perhaps at least on the Baltic and German seas and the peoples who lived around the world, and this has not had any effect. "

 

"The villages look like some small towns, where many seafarers live, and their families are alive, because in every part of the world There are fathers or sons in the house. In some places, only women are at home. "

 

"Interesting fishermen's village on both sides of the Nasva River, near the river valley, small, beautiful lobbies close to the river valley, under tight trees and tall gardens. Always a lot of people are moving: some are coming from the sea, others are going, the houses are beautiful and clean from the inside and outside. lately brings in ".

 

"What's especially noticeable at the beach is that men are much more advanced than women and men like men: they have been living and living in the cities through the sea, earning bread because women lived in the immovable island of Muhu. The man of great land did not move so much. his wife, however, knows the customs of the city far more than his sister's sister. "

 

As for cleanliness and hygiene, it turns out from other sources that in the beginning of the 1920s, there were not at all a dozen homes in Saaremaa. Existing ones were mostly very simple (about "a hole in the ground and a box on top"). According to the same material, only 8 villages in all farms had their own toilet (mostly in the Kuressaare neighborhood) and the "everyone else" in the Abruka municipality. In this case, the phrase "lack of purity" is often repeated.

 

There is no doubt the washing of teeth, of course, in the new "health cannon". It was completely unknown to the farmers of Saaremaa at that time. Nevertheless, the condition of the teeth has been quite satisfactory, because "little is consumed".

 

It can not be deduced from the foregoing that the islanders (in general, the Estonian peasant farm) were cultural or non-culturally active. These are just different cultural relations that belong to different "times". Observers-journalists represented modern / modern bourgeois culture, but at that time the Saaremaa peasant community was, to a large extent, the so-called traditional lifestyle / culture.

 

It is clear from the comparisons at the same time that there were great differences between the peasants - the coastal villages were already very different from the country's villages. It also emphasizes the purity and order of the houses. One feature of civic culture is the home cult ("my home is my fortress"). This was accompanied by a different attitude towards "living" in the past - everything about the interior of the house, its purity, comfort and beauty. Caring for home and home decoration became a separate activity, and more money and other resources began to be used for furnishing. Here they began to follow the way. In general, the rise of home as a refuge of the family was related to the industrialization and urbanization of society. Now the working life and home life were separated from each other, and home became more and more associated with time of wasting.

 

At that time, such an ideal began to reach the villages in Estonia gradually from cities. However, the livelihood and economic conditions of the farmers were very clear, which did not encourage the adoption of modern lifestyles. The situation in coastal / fishing communities was probably somewhat different. They were more open, partly with different livelihoods, although most of the coastal livestock were harrowing fields, and finally - the economic situation was better. However, the most important thing, however, seems to be the difference in mood, which changes much more slowly than external conditions.

The last thing you could do is to bring an example to the toilet: In the material of Saaremaa Health Inventory, quite often there are remarks about the fact that toilets are available, but they are used little or infrequently. It can be concluded that their existence does not mean that they would be accepted in general and become an inseparable and inevitable part of culture / life.

 

Muhulas and the islanders and "Gentiles"

 

The diary also contains more general observations and evaluations of people in one or another locality. J. Jans, who spent the longest time in Muhus and Saaremaa and then immediately in northern Estonia, (Jansi gathering tour in Muhumaa and East Saaremaa (Jaani Khan) lasted from May 15 to October 1, 1920) has compared the people of different places with each other. What has become an important and characteristic feature for amateur art critics?

 

"The island loves the forest house: farms and villages are drowning in green. Only one village - Karala - gives birth to an exception: the village and village are lagging."

 

"We saw a lot of people born of the mind who speak as art masters who construct sentences as style masters. We saw women with ducts in their mouths and movements that were obtuse and angular as men. We saw men with the souls and eyes of a dreamer, from which science was stingy. and the Frost of Saar - the sea made barriers, laid the limits for progress ".

 

"Every village" - the biggest village in Muhus, reminds Russian villages of its bored buildings, a large hole in the middle of a village where all the water is taken, a couple of swingers, young boys swinging, boys swinging, girls are sitting. half Muhus, wear simple towels on their heads so that they look more like grandmothers than the young ones who have always had their heads in their heads.

Short hair is a fair amount of young people. Parents over 40 are still wearing them. Walking somewhere in the walks: the girls face it alone, the guys step 10, in their own way - like the Russians. There has not been any seemingly empirical occurrence. Still, the woman is still tied up with an old brilliant man - a pretty unknown man coming up suddenly - and telling herself about a couple of days old in front of her. "

 

"Over the bridge of Orissaare, Ahah, one kid in the field picks up - a good sign. I regret that they still do not run like this in Muhu but the people? I'm going to eat to ask. I see right away that" do not forbid. "To help a stranger, This cake seems to be deeper than Muhus, and he has gone through the grille more than anything. But the black are the islanders, although "proud" are not like bastards. In general, they live poorer than Muhu, albeit they are better off.

It seems to be the fault of the island's souls' area, which is very beautiful when it comes to the mummies. The Saarlian is much more nimble than Muhulan. The Saarlon agrees with a bad meal, a card, and a walk.

It's just that I do not seem to work, but when it comes to work, he makes ten rubles for money, rather than figuratively speaking. "It's possible to get through" is perhaps the very old word of an islander. Rarely, I have heard the nurinat of the island's mouth. Even taxes are said to be worthwhile.

Muhulana, on the other hand, is a politician and he is complaining about everything violently. This pompousness and humbleness make the rich man more alive beside the islander - Muhulana is "aristocrat" - but also more covetous - he is not as distrustful as Muhulana.

 

The island is much naive. Just women, they are not the closed girls of Muhu and the young people who create and create themselves and only themselves. The girls in the island are already trying to please the stranger. Already the fact that folk songs have often disappeared here, shows immediately that women are so "advanced". The former folk clothes were simpler and more robust than Muhus (insensitive to the island). There were no special wedding dresses here. At the end of the day folk costumes became even easier and finally changed completely into urban clothes.

 

The humans developed again into "in": they were more and more strenuous for the decoration and diversification of their folk costumes - this "process" is still going on and shows that they are no longer thinking about leaving their clothes, but only until the city codes create "competition".

 

The islanders developed "out", they let them do what they wanted, city bombs also appeared in one of the city's clothes - as the other guys think - the woman of Saar does not bother to do the work, she still divides her husband with her work, as Muhus still has more work to do with the woman. Girls are already amusing - à propos - an interesting comparison: when I once wanted to go to the swing, I flew from the rock, leaving me alone. The Saares were looking for a Sunday evening at one farm, when it was already dark, and asked me to come to their swing. There they laughed and rumbled the right thing. As a stranger, I was immediately taken up, despite being blind and nobody knew me, and it did not seem well to know what it was - an elderly man. "

 

"Wedding, a few relatives, it's interesting to compare with Muhu's wedding." [Kostivere's] weddings seem to be either a vowel or a bell-tower for the earth's ersatz, it's not possible to give a decision, because there's a lot of food, a ghostly and forks and knives and some kind of polite movements, of course. Be it filled with an international label of a wedding, or a "plan", as the city still does not have such an enticing and refreshing abundance of food. Mats shows that the city is over with "abundance" and also "nicknames"

. What was more in Muhus?

There were more meat and potatoes in Muhus on the table anyway. There was more beer. In the same way, men were really more likely to believe that, as women were parked more in food - far more than the women here. Then - more "courtesy". Vincent Muhulane was still polite.

 

What was more in the Jelly Hole. There was plenty of wine. The women's rumor was more, much more. The boys lora was far more than that. Noah - "nickname" and forks-plaids were far more (Muhus was not enough). There were more mens casting. There were more women rabbing on the straw at night. Women drank more vodka and beer (almost no to Muhus).

So, when you split up and split, the muhulane Jõelehtme for weddings - wedding rings. The rider on Muhu's wedding is "fools" weddings.

 

"I'm comparing the" big "lands with the islands, I have fallen like the other way. I am from here (from Anijat), everything is as an alien among the people. There is no longer an island in human beings or in buildings - there is no longer any place [gill] one of the big cluster of Muhu village as a kind of security, but from here the stomped shadows of shame seem to appear. No one offers a chair, no tobacco, much to be answered, no matter how hard it is, no matter what the culture is, then tomorrow we will look at this story of Jõeleht. The hills and sides of the city stand out from them. They have brought them to the city, since the "white" sides have left the city. "

 

Despite the randomness and contradiction (or just that) of the observations in the diary, they contain something interesting. Most likely, the letter was written on what, in the author's opinion, was remarkable not only for him. He did not have to resort to strict precepts or schemes, but actual life and real problems. That is why we can find in the diary what the sources generated by the scheme, despite their systematic nature, do not contain.

 

The fact that in one year J Jan, who has been in a different place in different places in Estonia, is going to compare them, means that the differences were indeed prominent. Let's not forget that this was a non-ethnographic specialist. The value of the data is enhanced by the fact that it is based on the observation that has been made of meetings with very many people. I do not know how many families passed through J. Jans in 1920. There is reason to believe that they were definitely less (but rather plentiful, because the time was longer) than in Viktor Päss and Johan Leppik in 1914 in the Parish: "We walked about 350 family thresholds". In this sense, diary notes can not be regarded as an impression of an accidental passer-by or a distortionist.

 

The gaze of picking their eyes was that they were "outsiders" from the point of view of the local community / society. They noticed a lot of what could have been "blinded" to the two eyes, because "it's so common." When reading the diary, it becomes clear: the more descriptor she participated in local life, the more diverse and probably the most valid observations he made.

 

Saaremaa's descriptions are undoubtedly raised by J. Jans. He seems to be an active and open communicator who went to Vaiṣa with women in the sauna. Muhus and Jõelähtmim, a girlfriend in the village of Saaremaa, did not conceal their indignation and did not congratulate, if that was the reason, as if "the path of the old man is difficult" - when he was headed with a sickly beer from the villagers. His descriptions and opinions add to the plausibility the good-natured irony with which he perceives himself, as well as the fact that he does not take anything quite unequivocally, seeing as good and bad.

 

Muhu people considered it the island of töökamaiks, as well as many clever and endassesulgunumaiks May, the islanders were less demanding, simpler, extending a special warm. Muhu islanders were compared with children more influenced by urban culture, which occurred even in the fact that women (men had done it in the past so as Muhu Saaremaa) were turned away from the traditional peasant costumes, and even embraced some of the characteristic features of urban culture in relations between the sexes.

 

All differences between Muhu and Saaremaa, however, were significantly lower than those of islands between and around Tallinn. J.Jans latter is much more critical, though, was itself coming from (but perhaps just because of that?). Rather, it was the reason that the whole culture around Tallinn old had come further decay, but the new was not yet established. New, the culture was transferred into the city alone, but the external lines. Often, it was not just the best part of the "City of the downsides and ersatsvarjuküljed seem out of them. They have brought them from the city, as the" white "sides of the city has left."

 

Heiki Pärdi