Broadcast

This article was only drafted by Ilmar Arens (1912-1994) and therefore required quite a lot of adjustment, trimming and correction, with new data added. They originate in part from Volker Seresse's doctoral thesis "Des Königs" arme weit abgelegenne Vntterthanen "in 1992 in Kiel. Oesel unter dänischer Herrschaft 1559 / 84-1613" (Frankfurt / M. 1996; see also review: Kleio 1995, no. L, pp. 41-45), some of the source materials that Docent Leo Tiik (1910-1996) promised to dispose of kindly from Tartu. Based on these data, it has been possible not only to supplement the original article by Ilmar Arens, but also to look at some issues differently. Leo Tiigi's data are partly in the text, most of them in references.

Vello Helk

 

War between Sweden and Denmark

Kalmarkriget (Kalmar War) was another war between Denmark and its northern neighbor, Sweden. This time for supremacy in the eastern Baltic Sea, where the Swedish military had dominated the last decades of the 16th century. Swedish Generalissimus Jakob De la Gardie - the Finns "Laiska Jaakko" - invaded Moscow in 1610 and next year conquered Kexholm Fortress and Novgorod.

Not all of this was the 34-year-old King of Denmark Christian IV, who was calmly watching, but sent a formal written declaration of war to King Karl IX, a 61-year-old king of Sweden. The latter only regretted with regret that Christian IV had "accepted" to break the Stettin peace treaty from 1570. The Danish King's announcement was made on 4 April 1611, but was announced in Stockholm a few weeks later.

In fact, military action began with the invasion of Danish troops across the state border and the curb of Kalmar on 3 May of the same year, which ended with the capitulation of the fortress on 3 August. This was followed by Danish knights and luck with alternating happiness, such as the loss of the Swedes in Vittsj and the victory over Källerud. In the future, the Danes conquered the Ryssby County about 20 km north of Kalmar and the Älvsborg Fortress at Gothenburg, then Gullberg and Borgholm in Öland. The trip to the Danish fleet reached 1612th. in the fall of Stockholm. But then the enemy activity became almost complete, until Knight's peace was concluded on January 20, 1613.

Kalmar war in the West Estonian archipelago

The areas of the Estonian and Western Estonian archipelago, which belonged to Sweden and Denmark in 1611, were relatively smaller, but not marginal and insignificant at the beginning of the war compared to the military action in Sweden, as has been stated in Swedish military research so far. For example, in "Generalstaben. Sveriges krig 1611-32":
"The flames of this widespread war even reached the provinces of the Baltic Sea, Saaremaa, which was partly occupied by Swedish troops. The events there, however, were of an insignificant nature to have any significance."
Such an approach is also taken over by the elders of Estonia in the 1930s.
Let us now allow you to shed some lighter light on the major warfare and knighthoods in the above-mentioned areas.

With Poland, the Swedish Deputy Governor, Anders Larsson from Botila ("af Botila", Finland), achieved a temporary insecure ceasefire valid until 1 June 1612 on the mainland of Estonia. On April 29, 1611, when the Kalmar war had already officially begun, King Charles IX wrote to the Deputy Governor of Tallinn, trying to strengthen the status quo against Poland on the Estonian-Livonian warfield. It is clear from this letter that Polish Deputy Governor Generalissimus Jan Carol Chodkiewicz will extend the temporary ceasefire with Sweden only until the end of October of the same year.

Anders Larsson was ordered by the king not to accept it, but to propose a lasting peace or a long-term ceasefire (12, 8 or at least 5 years). To influence the Poles, the Swedish Commander, Hans (Johan) Maydell, will be moving his power towards Pärnu and seeing "what to do". At the same time, the Swedish fleet, consisting of eight warships, must block the port on the Pärnu Route, preventing any entry and forcing the city to surrender. Further, the King put the organizer of the exchange in Tallinn on organizing and carrying out the exchange of prisoners, as Karl Karlsson has been reported to have been taken to Riga.

In any case, it seemed that Poland was not afraid of any major military operations, at least not in 1611. On May 8, 1611, Karl IX ordered his deputy administrator in Tallinn to quickly, unexpectedly and secretly, with all available forces in Saaremaa, invade him to prevent any possible invasion. The relative proportions of the armed forces, around 3: 1, were favorable for Sweden.

Being aware of the great military predominance of the adversary, Claus Maltese (Sehested), the Danish deputy mayor at Saaremaa, turned to his King Christian IV, urging to send a quick help, even a few hundred men. However, he received a negative answer - there was no wait for this summer. The assault officer was urged to make the most of all the forces on the ground. As the only relief the king mentioned to his deputy governor that his main action to conquer Kalmar would force the Swedes to transfer troops from Estonia.

The King of Sweden had entrusted his old trusted counterpart, Anders Larsson, with all the Danish Chiefs of Defense in Estonia. As an operative leader, last year, Hans Maydell, whose invasion force core was formed by several local nobility, was subjected to a cavalry colony. In addition, Captain Patrick Lermund, a Scottish mercenary, belonged to the Swedish Armed Forces and could be called a "Marines". Part of this invading troop of Saaremaa, especially nobility, was transferred to Hiiumaa, near the administrative center of Pühalepa, which is a foyer manor. The second part, including a few hundred infantry soldiers from Finland and used for repairing Paide Fortress, was probably in the camp on the western coast of Lääne County, near Virtsu, opposite Muhu Island. At the end of June and early July, Swedish troops landed in Muhu.2

 

Older Baltic German historians such as P. von Buxhoeveden and Fr.K. Gadebusch attributes Chr. Based on the chronicle of Kelch, Muhu's attack on Muhu has received much attention, as if the "food chamber" of Kuressaare and the whole Saaremaa had fallen into the hands of the Swedes. In fact, Muhu (approx. 198 km²) had no decisive importance in the whole of Saaremaa (approx. 2674 km²) catering, for example in Pöid and elsewhere in Saaremaa there were more fruitful areas than Muhus.

In August, a rafting trip to Virtsu was made from Saaremaa. The Swedes responded to this by attacking the enemy up to Kuressaare. The successful execution of this attack was apparently blocked by the refusal of the nobility riders who formed the core of the conquest force to continue the rafting trip to Saaremaa. 3

Being aware of the great military predominance of the adversary, Claus Maltese (Sehested), the Danish deputy mayor at Saaremaa, turned to his King Christian IV, urging to send a quick help, even a few hundred men. However, he received a negative answer - there was no wait for this summer. The assault officer was urged to make the most of all the forces on the ground. As the only relief the king mentioned to his deputy governor that his main action to conquer Kalmar would force the Swedes to transfer troops from Estonia.

The King of Sweden had entrusted his old trusted counterpart, Anders Larsson, with all the Danish Chiefs of Defense in Estonia. As an operative leader, last year, Hans Maydell, whose invasion force core was formed by several local nobility, was subjected to a cavalry colony. In addition, Captain Patrick Lermund, a Scottish mercenary, belonged to the Swedish Armed Forces and could be called a "Marines". Part of this invading troop of Saaremaa, especially nobility, was transferred to Hiiumaa, near the administrative center of Pühalepa, which is a foyer manor. The second part, including a few hundred infantry soldiers from Finland and used for repairing Paide Fortress, was probably in the camp on the western coast of Lääne County, near Virtsu, opposite Muhu Island. At the end of June and early July, Swedish troops landed in Muhu.2

 

Older Baltic German historians such as P. von Buxhoeveden and Fr.K. Gadebusch attributes Chr. Based on the chronicle of Kelch, Muhu's attack on Muhu has received much attention, as if the "food chamber" of Kuressaare and the whole Saaremaa had fallen into the hands of the Swedes. In fact, Muhu (approx. 198 km²) had no decisive importance in the whole of Saaremaa (approx. 2674 km²) catering, for example in Pöid and elsewhere in Saaremaa there were more fruitful areas than Muhus.

In August, a rafting trip to Virtsu was made from Saaremaa. The Swedes responded to this by attacking the enemy up to Kuressaare. The successful execution of this attack was apparently blocked by the refusal of the nobility riders who formed the core of the conquest force to continue the rafting trip to Saaremaa. 3

This surprising rebellion prompted the king to command the transfer of all rebellious militias to the Swedish warfield4, but it was only partially filled and delayed. For example, there are still data from the Tiesenhausen flagship, as well as Heinrich Rehbinder's riders, as feeders in the books of Hiiumaa boss Jonas Ruuth from 1612-1613. The new Swedish deputy governor Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstierna, on the other hand, justifies the arrival of Heinrich Rehbinder's relatives by the fact that the enemy has become an auxiliary in Saaremaa and, by noticing the absence of other nobility families, the areas of Swedish or Swedish conquest that are threatening looting, robbery and burning. Thus, on March 24, 1612, in Stockholm, only Reinhold Buxhoeveden, Claes Wachtmeister, and Fromhold Patkul, with a total of 254 riders, were mentioned as caterers.

A similar arrangement was made in 1611 for the transfer of Sweden and the use of Kalmar for restraint. In July, Patrick Lermund was also hit. Perhaps this order was not fulfilled because of Kalmar's quick capitulation. Instead, in September, Lermund made an invasion of Muhu to Pööki, where he stayed in the winter and waited for the Swedish main force to appear in Hiiumaa.

 

 

Sweden joined the military war to conquer Kuressaare

The fortress of Kuressaare and the whole conquest of Saaremaa, Karl IX, apparently bitterly conquered Kalmar and other Swedish territories by Denmark, on August 27 with letters to both the deputy administrator in Tallinn and Hans Maydell. According to the order, the security of Kuressaare had to be restrained and the help of the auxiliary forces and the province had to be prevented, so that in the winter it would be easier to force the surrender.

The king was also bitter about the failure of the nobility. He gave one of his old counterparts, Deputy Governor Niels Kyll in Finland, a harsh command to send some of the riders' flags through Tallinn to Hiiumaa, to join the units there to attack Kuressaare. Niels Kyll said, however, that the lack of military-capable combatants in Finland was almost complete to build such units, as all the armed carriers there were far away, in Russia. There they were with Swedish commander Jakob De la Gardie, who, after conquering Moscow and forced to leave there, had begun to continue the war, conquering 1611 Novgorod and Kexholm.

Thanks to Karl IX, another trustee in Finland, Deputy Governor Axel Kurck in Turku, Finland, however, managed to collect some worthy weapon carriers for warriors. One of them was one of the cavalry leaders under the leadership of Knight Master Larsson. In addition to these, Karelian riders were pulled back from Kexholm (by Lake Käkisalmi Laadoga Lake) under the direction of the son of the Deputy Governor of Tallinn, Meritorious Knight Master Lars Andersson, who was also the Deputy Governor of Kexholm.

At the same time, the Swedes began a propaganda war against the Danish "occupation power" in Saaremaa. Whether it was for this reason or for other reasons, perhaps to save his skin, in the late autumn and early winter of 161 years, a small number of Swedish-speaking "parties" were born among the Saaremaa nobility. These included, for example, Jürgen Buxhoeveden, Claus Vietinghoff (Sandlas), Wilhelm Uexküll (Pöides), Reinhold Leps, and Jobst Taube, all of whom publicly protested against the Danish government and allowed themselves to have their own defense records (Schutzbriefe) for their manors - to prevent looting. 5 Two Saaremaa landlords were particularly active against the Danish supremacy. The first was the owner of Tumala and other manors, landlord Heinrich Schulmann, who was captured by the Swedes and was replaced on December 28th. He was joined by another landlord, Paadla's landlord Otto Buxhoeveden, who, at the time of the fortunes of the Danes, limiting the fortress of Kuressaare, demanded that the Danish Deputy Administrator repair the noble prophets. After the death of Deputy Governor Claus Maltes Sehested on April 14, 1612, he arbitrarily took possession of the Archivlade, which he broke, with some others. From this he removed the noble prophets of 1562 and 1574. \ t Both were arrested after the fall of Kuressaare, killed and executed in Copenhagen on 3 June 1613.

Now back to the Kuressaare Conquest attempt. The Swedish offensive was based on their conquest in Pöide, Maasilinn. To do this, two overcrowded militias from Finland and other troops were deployed in addition to the force present. The attack began around Christmas6. In the community, it was probably widely distributed with a warlord, composed by warlord Adan Schrapfer, and signed by Commander Hans Mayell, calling on the islanders to surrender.

In the absence of sources, it is not possible to get an overview of the movement of Swedish troops under Kuressaare and possible clashes at strategic points. The chronicle of Kelch argues that the nobility (knighthood) of Saaremaa was armed and started to resist with their peasants, but the fight against regular military units proved to be hopeless. Later Kuressaare lord lord Heinrich Arens, according to a complaint by Saaremaa Deputy Governor Jacob Beck (1620), was one of the militant Saulemaa Wulffs, Johann Wulff Kõljalas, who was killed in that war.

It is not possible to get full clarity about the following events, but add a little bit to the current data. It has been argued that the Swedish troops burned the city of Kuressaare, but there was nothing to be done against the fortress, because fear of the Poles attacked them back home.

As already mentioned, the attacks on the Poles were not feared because there was still a ceasefire. There should be other reasons for leaving the Swedes. The Kuressaare Castle was the main conquest of the attacking army. This is also proved by the presence of the Kexholm Deputy Governor Lars Andersson. The latter was known as an energetic storm of fortresses, which, for example, in 1606 was sent to 300 riders to attack and conquer the Viljandi fortress from the Poles. It failed and the attackers were kicked back with bloody heads. When he retreated, Knight Master Lars Andersson fired the city of Viljandi to light up.

The same was repeated in Kuressaare. Lieutenant Lars Andersson had an attacking army of at least 500-600 men. However, it was hit back because the fortress was not only the Danish pawn shopman, but also the armed landlords and townspeople and some peasants, with a total of 400-500 men. Thanks to the massive castles, it was enough to successfully defeat the Swedes. Also, the attacker's bullet captain, Lars Andersson, fell from the bullets of the defenders, and an unknown number of attackers probably buried on the ground. The attacker's corpse, however, was carried out at the expense of Hiiumaa boss Jonas Ruuth from his deputy administrator to father Tallinn.

From the testimony of Kuressaare burgermeister Jakob Kohl (senior) in the process against Schulmann and Buxhoeveden, it appears that armed citizens apparently kept watch over the walls of the fortress. As such, Kohl mentioned his cautious acquaintances (and probably relatives) brothers Conrad (Cort) and Heinrich Arens. The first of those who was the eldest of the craftsmen's guild, after the end of the war, became "Amtmann" at Pöide, the seat of the Schummann confiscated in the Tumala mansion, the last one in the same office in Pyhä and then Kuressaare. When Conrad Arens exposed burgermaster to Schulmann's outrageous excitement among the citizens, Kohl replied that it was not the right time to do so, because the enemy tends to force the castle. Claus Maltese (Sehested), the assailant, has named them "nerrische Anschlege" by Schulmann and Buxhoeveden and added that they hope to get out of the castle in this situation.

After burning down Kuressaare suburbs and routinely abducting them in Saaremaa, the Swedish forces left the islanders in March, together with their families and property, to come to Läänemaa, where they were allocated to settle empty farms caused by wars. Probably it was carried out by the nobility of Läänemaa, a nobleman of conquest. In 1934, Evald Blumfeldt gave a broadly objective description. Some of the items found in the meantime can be subjected to some further analysis in chronological order.

Particular cruelty and neglect, perhaps primarily by Patrick Lermund's Scottish and other strangers, sparked the outbreak of a real knot and destruction war between Saarland and Hiiumaa. The "fleet" of the Saaremaa was undoubtedly more powerful and powerful than that of the Hebrews and Westerners, including the "boats" of the Scottish people. Therefore, in 1612, the Danish extermination trips to Hiiumaa were not over ice, but on boats across the Soela Strait. These include probably the strategical Kõpu peninsula on the southwest coast of the Kalua village (mostly an ice-free port) and the surrounding area. It is also possible to name the entry of Jonas Ruuth, the boss of Hiiumaa, in his 1612/13 book about the violation of the grain fields of Hiiumaa by the enemy.

The head of retaliation for robbery and looting and the burning of Kuressaare was probably given immediately after Midsummer 1612, when the auxiliary forces from Denmark, probably by boats to Kassari or Slavery, arrived, and then went to Suuremõisa (at that time Pühalepa), which was ransacked and burnt down as a Swedish administrative center in Hiiumaa. . Larger villages were preserved along the larger roads, and came to the Kõpu Peninsula, where fishermen were left without their boats and home places.

The attackers' spoils are listed in detail and include 9 cows, 8 young bulls, 40 stems and heifers, 56 sheep and rams, 131 chickens, 5 goats, 7 horses and 40 pigs; besides this, several types of skins, countless all kinds of work and supplies in the manor economy, a variety of foods, and finally 4 more beer and 12 barrels of tar. Thus, the main story of the fortified manor, which could be compared to the Kuressaare fortress in Saaremaa, was made completely open before burning. Blood sacrifices from fodder man defenders have not been mentioned, but there were certainly some of them, as the bogus laconically writes in his book that the enemy's assault came completely unexpectedly. 8

The Swedes had a spy who had been recruited in Saaremaa, namely Hans Kemna (Kämmo), a citizen of Kuressaare, who had already been arrested as a suspect in spying already in 1607 with his sister Jürgen Ortken because of the letters from Swedish military commander Adam Schrapfer from Tallinn. That's why he was exiled from Saaremaa. On behalf of the Swedish Deputy Governor, Kemna was compensated for Swedish warfare. Perhaps he was able to warn the Swedes on Hiiumaa about the common clash of Danes and islanders, which was given on February 17, 1613, almost a month after the Knight's peace, when the sea ice was already carried in the Soela Strait. In any case, the Swedes were informed about this company and the Deputy Governor sent Engelbrecht Tiesenhausen to Hiiumaa with his riders and 100 soldiers from Tallinn and Paide. With that, the moment of surprise was lost. The army coming from Saaremaa had been 250 men, some of whom were horsemen, part-footed. As there were islanders among them, it is clear from the list of prisoners. They had already collided with the overwhelming Swedish troops before reaching the Holy See. In the fierce battle, 12 Swedes died, the Danes dropped even more. The Danes had to flee, leaving behind a horse and a robbed property. They have also burned down some houses. Jürgen Vietinghof, citizen Hans Arens and some peasants were forced to retreat from the Danish-islanders.

The revenge was hardly four days later, on February 21, 1613, a devastating and devastating war of Swedes to Saaremaa. This brutal and probably bloodiest event in the Swedes lasted until February 27th. On March 12, Swedish Deputy Governor Gabriel Bengtsson of Oxenstierna announces that Swedish troops have burnt down Kuressaare for the second time and have done clean work in all of Saaremaa, with the exception of the Sõrve Peninsula. The peace-keeping announcement was received by the deputy administrator only on March 2. In his view, any opponent's claims for damages should be rejected because the latter himself, on 17 February, caused this vengeance expedition in Hiiumaa with his previous looting and burning.

Consequently, Swedish troops then made two major raids on Saaremaa. The first of these took place in December 1611 and lasted with the restriction of Kuressaare until March next year. The second took place in February 1613 - after peace. The destruction of farm buildings in Saaremaa seems to have been very extensive. The purpose of this relatively short trip was to destroy along the main roads. Some took only 400 men and, through the village roads, they did not reach the small forest villages of West Saaremaa, so they were not burnt. This destruction expedition has given rise to the assumption that a residence that is specific to this building - the furrow house may have arisen from the post-war emergency building.9.

The failure of the Swedes was the citizens of Kuressaare and the nobles of Saaremaa, as well as the majority of peasants became more Danish than the 50-year-old Danish administration when it was taken into account. The reluctance towards the Swedish authorities may have been further exacerbated by the knock-out and devastating parts of the harsher and more cruel kind of riders used in the Kalmar war.

Finally, one should seriously consider what Evald Blumfeldt, a good pastor of Saaremaa's history, says:
"Relative wealth is evidenced by the rich buildings and dwellings of Saaremaa's old-time dwellings in Saaremaa. Thus, the peasant of Saaremaa lived in an exceptionally better life under Danish conditions, at the same time becoming part of the Estonian peasants on the continent."

Epilogue

Peasants removed from Saaremaa were a continuing dispute. In June 1613, Jacob Beck, the new Deputy Governor of Saaremaa, turned to his Swedish colleague in Tallinn, explaining that some of the peasants were partially voluntarily, partly imprisoned with animals and other assets into Swedish territory. Now they would like to come back, but they are blocked against the peace treaty. In addition, he demanded the return of two church bells that Captain Engelhart had taken from Pöide.

In the following year, even an attempt was made to bring these peasants from Saaremaa distributed among the landlords of Lääne County. This was done by an armed mansion, led by the captain of Kuressaare, Gert von Hove. Due to the dispersal of the allegedly large population of deportees, only a few of them were able to be found and returned. To solve this problem, a mixed committee of Swedes and Danes was formed and the negotiations lasted for years. Läänemaa landlords, however, tried to avoid returning the peasants at all costs, because then the farms would not have been fully educated again.

In 1616, the widow widow of Sophia von Uexküll, a friend of several other manors in Paadremaa and Lääne County, turned to her "good old friend" with a letter to Kuressaare's fortune teller Heinrich Arens asking the Deputy Governor Jacob Beck to know that the Kortte Pert, with his family, was appointed to be the deputy of the deputy. he was so good at him that he would give up returning to Saaremaa, and he would not force him to do so.
The following year, three Amtmanns, probably from the deportations, including Cort Arens Pöide, took part in the discussion of the above-mentioned mixed committee as Danish representatives. In any case, the Swedish troops seem to have been very quick in retreating from Kuressaare and peasants, with their families, were seized mainly from the main road or nearby.

The Saaremaa authorities and landlords continued to recover the peasants. Although King Gustav Adolf instructed the retired islanders to return to their country in 1624, this apparently had no particular effect, as this issue was later topical and eventually resolved only in 1645 when Saaremaa went under Sweden.

 

Comments

1 Here is Carl Carlsson Gyllenhielm (1574-1650), the son-in-law of King Karl IX, who was arrested in 1601 by the Poles and was only released in 1613.

2 For more information on military activities, see EAA, fund no. l (L. Tiik): 5.02.1611. Johan Dertelt from Haapsalu to Anders Larsson in Tallinn: There are 102 riders in Hiiumaa and 30 in Vorms from Claes Wachtmeister. There are also 53 riders from Fromhold Tiesenhausen and 16 from Engelhart; 14.06.1611. Hans Maydell to Anders Larsson: There is a lO Danish ship moving between Varbla and Pärnu; 20.06.1611. Knut Classon Anders Larsson: The power cannot be brought to Saaremaa, maybe to Muhu. There are few ships and Danish ships are moving at sea; 22.06.1611. Same: There are 40 boats, but there are obstacles due to the wind; 30.07.1611. Johan Dertelt to Anders Larsson: I sent 40 boys along the beach to look for boats, but people have hidden themselves so little. Now I'll send a new team to search for boats; (Without Date). The same horsemen are the boats of Patkuli and Rehbinder, who have been delivered to boats to Hiiumaa, waiting for the boats, and then Haapsalu will be left without the army. - V. Seresse does not trust the descriptions of Baltic German historians about the fighting because they think it is too "malerisch" (Volker Seresse, Des Königs "arme weit abgelegenne Vntterthanen". OeselunterdänischerHerrschaft 1559/84-1613 Frankfurt / M. 1996, p. 197) .

3 In other contexts it has been interpreted that only the corresponding masters rounded off from the failed execution of the command Arens thought that the reason for the failure could have been the reluctance to attack their nearest or distant relatives in Saaremaa, but this does not seem to be true of the local nobles, because they were apparently few among the riders (vL below). For more information on this, see EAA, fund no. l (L. Tiik): 8.08.1611. Johan Dertelt to Anders Larsson: All power has been sent out. There are only Finnish servants (Knechte) at the construction of the Haapsalu castle, but they only have bellballs. Last night, I received a message that 40 Germans and Mchael Klick and the peasants came to boats around Virtsu to loot and burn. They were prevented, but still managed to take 150 sheep away to Kesselai and they threatened to come again. This morning, the Scottish flagstone came from Hiiumaa and announced that they had yesterday seized catches of robbed Muhu. 22.08.1611. Same: Our power was behind the enemy to Kuressaare. Please take the boats to take the Scottish and Wachtmeister squads on Saaremaa without harvesting. Last Monday (either 12th or 19th of August), ours went to Saaremaa and drove behind the enemy from Maasilinn to Kuressaare.

4 Anders Larsson to the King: I was ordered to send the Wachtmeister, Engelhart, Tiesenhausen, Buxhövden and Rehbinder riders and the Scottish Soldiers to Sweden when they came back from Saaremaa There are only 2-3 nobles in the nobility - all the nobles hold their skin

5 Volker Seresse justifies the attitude of the Saaremaa nobility to the disappointment of the King of Denmark's inability to protect them

6 Compare EAA, fund nr. l (L. Tiik): 26.11.1611. Johan Dertelt Anders Larssonie: A trip to Saaremaa should be made 8 days before Christmas. 20.12. In 1611, a command from Tallinn came to make a new trip to Saaremaa and conquer it. - Volker Seresse writes (op. P. 198) that on January 2, 1612, 700-800 men landed in Saaremaa and moved to Kuressaare, which they restricted until March.

7 Leo Tiik thinks, of course, that only suburbs with wooden houses were burnt, which was common in the city foreclosure. The Unna church, which was located in the corner of the present park, also fell into fire. The Vana-Lõve manor, which was the bishop's summer residence, was probably landed during this trip. After that, the Uue-Lewis manor was built, which was also closer to the sea (Letter 15.03.1994).

8 The geographical scope and execution of the trip are based on the findings of Leo Tiig. EAA fund nr. l (Pond): 28.06.1612. Hiiumaa boss Jonas Ruuth Deputy Governor: The situation of the Earth's people is very bad, no food, the islanders looted and burned Küdeval and took 18 boats; they're going to come to Hiiumaa again this fall. The same warning from Tallinn 7.11.1612: The enemy in Saaremaa strengthens itself. Last summer, it was devastated and burned in Hiiumaa and again in winter.

9 In this regard, Leo Tiik (Letter 15.03.1994) writes: "In the 1630s only a few villages were known in Saaremaa, where there were also farm houses (Wohnhäuser) besides hay houses, and the eastern Saaremaa was in a situation where the only dwelling of the farm was a sauna; Of course, both Muhu and East Saaremaa were very wooded, so they got building materials from the mainland or Hiiumaa, and then it was necessary to do the mansion work and it was believed that the peasants were also banned from their construction work. The expropriation of dormitories as apart from the only dwellings in saunas is, in my opinion, directly related to the Russian-Livonian War, which began in 1558, followed by other wars until 1625. In Saaremaa, the part of the Swedes' extermination of Leo Tiik in February 1613 was has also studied the results of their looting and destruction trips and concludes that Saaremaa's vacancies were not revived that they were able to give the required standards. The results of the destruction were also noticeable in Hiiumaa, where 161l / 1612 yearbooks, compared to 1612/1613, are marked by a decrease in the number of inhabited Adriatic forests.

ILMAR ARENS,
Saaremaa Museum Two Year Book 1995 - 1996